The article is the abbreviated version of the Paper that Dr. Jorgji KOTE read in an International Conference on the legacy and evolution of the left parties in Southeastern Europe held in the University of Tirana on the 4th of April 2024, with the participation of researchers and scholars from Albania, Northern Macedonia, Serbia, Bosnie – Hercegovina, Slovenia and other countries.
The Conference was hosted by the University of Tirana, the Department of Journalism and the Center of Political Studies at the Free University of Brussels.
This version was published most recently by the well-known Irish magazine ” Galway Review”
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By Dr. Jorgji KOTE*
This topic has multifaceted significance, particularly for Albania. Firstly, nostalgia for communism is growing amidst the failures and disappointments of liberal democracy over the last 33 years. Secondly, this is a pressing issue as democracy experiences backsliding, with the erosion of the moderate left and the rise of far-right populism. Thirdly, despite these challenges, democracy remains the best alternative, but it should not be taken for granted; it must be actively maintained to avoid repeating past mistakes, as George Santayana famously said, “He who does not remember the past is condemned to repeat it”!
Allow me to emphasize that the former Party of Labour of Albania (PLA) and its regime were fundamentally different from its “Eastern sister parties”; indeed, they were and remained a “sui generis” case in every respect.
However, for the sake of truth, it must be acknowledged that the PLA inherited a very backward state in all domains of life after the total devastation of World War II. It pursued a series of social policies, eliminating illiteracy and developing extensive education, health, and social services nationwide.
Nevertheless, these “goods” were overshadowed by numerous “evils,” beginning with the establishment of the brutal “dictatorship of the proletariat” which wrought havoc from 1945 to 1990. No opposition was tolerated, and dissenting ideas and actions were ruthlessly suppressed. The State Security maintained millions of files on individuals, detailing their political, religious, and even sexual orientations. At least 5,157 opponents were executed, 952 died in prisons, 18,000 were imprisoned, and 30,383 were interned in remote areas under dire living conditions.
Religion was violently banned in 1968, making Albania the first and only atheist state worldwide; 1,000 Catholic clergy and 3,535 Orthodox pastors were executed, and 95% of churches, mosques, shrines, and other places of worship were demolished. The regime attempted to supplant God with the Party, and religious figures with the dictator and Politburo members.
In 1968, even small private property and jobs were abolished and labeled as “bourgeois alien manifestations” to be eradicated. The next significant development was the total collectivization of the economy, including agriculture, which had disastrous effects on the population, with severe shortages of essential goods during the 1980s.
Socially, the PLA leadership sought to create the “New Man” guided by Marxism-Leninism and the teachings of Enver Hoxha, resulting in persecution and death for hundreds of thousands and the suppression of individual liberties, including music, media consumption, and clothing choices.
Internationally, Albania claimed to be the “Red Lantern of Socialism” and the “only genuine socialist country” in the world. However, after the breakup with China in 1978, Albania became self-isolated, refusing relations with major powers until 1990.
Following pressure from Western countries and the UN Secretary General’s visit in 1990, the PLA leadership was compelled to make concessions, allowing religion, travel abroad, private property, and international cooperation. Political pluralism was introduced in 1990, leading to the founding of opposition parties and eventual defeat for the PLA in 1992.
The transformation of the PLA into the Socialist Party of Albania (SPA) faced challenges, including skepticism from Western socialist organizations and the lingering influence of orthodox communist mindsets. Despite initial progress and recognition by the Party of European Socialists (PES), SPA faced setbacks, including a repressive lustration law and electoral defeats.
While SPA made efforts to align with social-democratic standards, it struggled with internal divisions and corruption, leading to electoral losses and a period of reflection in opposition.
In power, SPA aimed to improve socio-economic indicators but faced criticism for failing to address poverty, low wages, healthcare, education, and emigration. Despite these shortcomings, SPA maintained power through questionable electoral practices and patron-client relationships, resembling the party-state dynamics of the communist era.
In conclusion, SPA’s efforts to shed its communist past and embrace social democracy have been marred by persistent challenges, including corruption, electoral irregularities, and authoritarian tendencies. While Albania has made strides towards integration with Western institutions, SPA’s practices raise doubts about its commitment to genuine democratic principles.
*Dr. Jorgji Kote, is a distinguished diplomat, educator, and author. A graduate of Tirana University in English & American Language & Literature and Industrial Economy, he further honed his skills through specialized training at institutions like Vienna Economic University and Nebraska University, USA. Beginning as an educator, Dr. Kote transitioned into key governmental roles, including consultancy for IMF and World Bank. His diplomatic journey encompasses positions from Minister Counselor in Brussels to Deputy Ambassador in Berlin. In 2022, he was honored as a “Grand Master” in diplomacy by Albania’s President. Fluent in multiple languages, he has authored over 500 articles and six books, emphasizing diplomatic developments and international relations.
/Argumentum.al
